By Nathan T. Arrington
Ashes, photos, and stories argues that the establishment of public burial for the warfare lifeless and pictures of the deceased in civic and sacred areas essentially replaced how humans conceived of army casualties in fifth-century Athens. In a interval characterised by means of warfare and the specter of civil strife, the nascent democracy claimed the fallen for town and honored them with rituals and photographs that formed a civic ideology of fight and self-sacrifice on behalf of a unified group. whereas so much stories of Athenian public burial have excited about discrete features of the establishment, comparable to the funeral oration, this publication broadens the scope. It examines the presence of the battle lifeless in cemeteries, civic and sacred areas, the house, and the brain, and underscores the position of fabric culture--from casualty lists to white-ground lekythoi--in mediating that presence. This procedure finds that public rites and monuments formed stories of the struggle lifeless on the collective and person degrees, spurring inner most commemorations that either engaged with and critiqued the hot beliefs and the citys claims to the physique of the warrior. confronted with a collective thought of «the fallen,» households asserted the features, virtues, and kin hyperlinks of the person deceased, and sought to recuperate possibilities for personal commemoration and private remembrance. Contestation over the presence and reminiscence of the lifeless usually classification traces, with the elite claiming carrier and management to the neighborhood whereas even as reviving Archaic and aristocratic commemorative discourses. even if Classical Greek artwork has a tendency to be considered as a monolithic if evolving entire, this publication depicts a fragmented and charged visible international.
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Extra resources for Ashes, Images, and Memories: The Presence of the War Dead in Fifth-Century Athens
Example text
274–277: ὀτοτοτοῖ, φίλων / ἁλίδονα σώματα πολυβαφῆ / κατθανόντα λέγεις φέρεσθαι / πλαγκταῖς ἐν διπλάκεσσιν. Aisch. Pers. 418–420. 17. Hdt. 1. 18. Thuc. 4. 22 Indeed, during the Persian War of the early fifth century, the Athenians encountered a new opponent who presented a new appearance not only in life but also in death. 23 Clothes, hair, and weapons were unfamiliar to the mainland Greeks. ”24 If their appearance was unusual, so, too, was the way they treated the dead. 25 They also handled their own war dead differently from the Greeks, demonstrating less interest in recovering and burying them.
Next, it discusses the origins of the state institution of public burial in order to evaluate more fully the significance and impact of these changes in their social, political, and cultural contexts. 54. Pritchett 1985, 132–133. A fourth-century polyandrion (mass burial tomb) at Tegea contained inhumations: Clairmont 1983, 239; Pritchett 1985, 134–136, with further references. 55. , Isae. 4; nonwar dead: Eur. Andr. 1159–1160, 1239–1242; Eur. HF 1422; Plut. Mor. 849c; Arr. Anab. 4. 6 Black-figure terra-cotta funerary plaque with a corpse laid on a bier.
3) reports seeing the place where the bodies following the conflict at Artemision were burned, but he makes no mention of a burial place. We do not know who was buried in a polyandrion at Salamis; Pritchett 1985, 173–174, surveys the testimony. 101. Thuc. 5; followed by Paus. 4. , Porciani 1996; Toher 1999; Bravo 2009. Scholars are often puzzled by why Thucydides mentions Marathon as an exception but bypasses Plataia. The discovery of the Marathon monument in the cemetery (see below) clarifies his statement: he mentions the battle only because the renowned monument in the cemetery prompted an explanation.