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By Alain Guyomarch, Peter A. Hall, Jack Hayward, Howard Machin

The new version of the best textual content on French politics brings jointly a totally new set of specially-commissioned chapters masking Chirac's presidency, the 1997 election, the following "cohabitation," and the influence of the Jospin govt. The e-book explores the impression of Europe on French policy-making, the French perspective towards globalization, and the demanding situations posed through unemployment, social exclusion, and institutional reform to longstanding practices of the French state.

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In his desire to recohcile his new-found Euro-enthusiasm with his vestigial Gaullism, Chirac asserted that France would become dominant economically within the EC under his leadership by 1995. Giscard is more concerned that there should be a President of the European Council and that he should occupy that office. With less national or personal pretentiousness, Mitterrand is content that France and he should play the most active part in the process of European unification. This policy has the virtue of combining a domestic desire to widen the basis of his political support with an extrovert concern to achieve by association the additional strength necessary to carry weight internationally.

It was no accident that Le Pen, leader of the FN, was personally involved in the repression of the Algerian independence movement and has received strong support from areas - especially in south-east France - in which former Algerian settlers are concentrated. The extreme Right also resented the process of economic modernisation (begun before de Gaulle but pushed further by him) that was destroying the peasant and small shopkeeper traditional society. There was always an important element of 26 Ideological Change populist anti-capitalism and anti-technocracy in the French extreme Right and once again Le Pen was associated with it, being elected a deputy of the small Extreme Right party led by Pierre Poujade in 1956 after returning from Algeria.

However, as the effects of industrialisation made themselves felt in the 1960s and the impact of the European and international market forces became ever more difficult to manage, the Gaullist ideology was increasingly adulterated. Under Pompidou's influence, first as Prime Minister and later as President, a businessoriented liberal-conservatism increasingly came to the fore. Although it had required state support and guidance to build French firms into national champions capable of sustaining the national interests in an increasingly open and competitive international environment, they were now inclined to cast off the leading reins and assert their independent pursuit of their own pecuniary interests.

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