By K.M. Petyt
This quantity is anxious with one of many few thorough-going Labovian reviews conducted in Britain. in keeping with a survey of over hundred randomly chosen informants from the cities of Bradford, Halifax and Huddersfield, it offers first with the technique hired, after which sketches a few elements of the ‘traditional’ dialects of the world prior to describing plenty of variables. different non-standard positive factors encountered through the survey are defined, due to the fact that those too are a part of the altering styles of speech in West Yorkshire. the ultimate bankruptcy attracts a contrast among ‘dialect’ and ‘accent’ that's a bit of various from that commonly hired, and means that whereas ‘dialect’ beneficial properties appear to have declined below the strain of the traditional language, ‘accent’ nonetheless persists as a social differentiator.
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Example text
A faulty interview technique - because of the character and opinions of the interviewer, the degree of probing, any kind of 'cheating', the wrong coding of responses etc. - can be a major source of response error; in fact 24 DIALECT & ACCENT IN INDUSTRIAL WEST YORKSHIRE it is more likely cause than an informant deliberately giving wrong answers. In my questionnaire design and interview technique I endeavoured to follow these principles, though doubtless faults remained. In presenting my findings I have tried to combine tables and graphs of aggregates with reference to individuals, for speech is primarily an individual rather than a group phenomenon.
Only in rigidly stratified societies would one expect to find a single stratification system to which all in the society would agree and in which all would be accommodated' (Owen, 1968:88). And clearly Britain is not such a society. Let us turn now to the way social class has been defined in some recent linguistic studies. For it has been claimed that social class of some sort is probably the most frequent non-linguistic corr elate of linguistic variation. Some scholars, like Wells (1973)22. have employed a simple notion, based solely on occupational class But, as Labov demonstrated (1966a: Ch VIII), the single factor of occupation does not correlate as clearly with linguistic variation as a more complex notion of social or socio-economic class (thus con firming the findings discussed above that there are various factors involved in social class today); Labov himself therefore used three factors: education, and the occupation and income of the breadwinner - each scored on a four-point scale (0 - 3 ) , so that informants ranged in class from 0 to 9.
Cells in this neat scheme METHODOLOGICAL MATTERS 31 There are two grading-scales of occupations well known in Britain: the five-point scale of the Registrar General, as used in national censuses, and that employed by Hall and Jones and others who produced a seven-point scale by dividing the Registrar General's Class I 'Professional' into 1) Professional and High Administrative, and 2) Managerial and Executive, and his Class II 'Intermediate' into 3) Inspectional, Supervisory and other non-manual (higher grade) and 4) ditto (lower grade).