By Efraim Karsh
The Zionist stream used to be born within the wake of Jewish emancipation in Western Europe, and at a time of elevated persecution in jap Europe. This quantity addresses the highbrow, social and political ramifications of Jewish cost in Eretz Israel sooner than the production of the country of Israel.
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Extra info for Israel: The First Hundred Years: Volume I: Israel's Transition From Community to State
Example text
Yet it is important to note SACRED TERRITORIES AND NATIONAL CONFLICT 27 that nationalism did not invent their sanctity, much less the categories; long before nationalist ideology selected these objects for special mass sacrifice, men and women had defended both and been ready to die for them. But, whereas in the past such defence and sacrifice had been specific and sporadic, nationalism has made it endemic and chronic. For nationalism, even if not quite the mystery of frontiers resolved, does view the world and its history in terms of special, intimate relationships between particular ancestral homelands and historic culture communities, each tied to and nourished by a distinctive landscape and soil, and it declares that denial in whole or part of that relationship can only result in war and bloodshed.
For all that the Zionist movement in its early days formed no more than a small fraction of the Jewish people worldwide, the system of government invented for it by Theodor Herzl was relatively elaborate. A small executive committee (known as the Smaller Actions Committee) presided over by Herzl himself was authorized to handle the affairs of the movement on a day-to-day basis. This Actions Committee, later to be termed the Executive, would be elected by a fully democratic, regularly elected parliament.
Perhaps in the latter case, the idea of a sacred Catalan or Spanish territory gradually developed out of this religious encounter, though it was blurred by coexistence, compromise and alliance. Certainly, the age of nationalism injects a more definitive content and form onto what were a series of often haphazard and disjointed campaigns. Still, there are enough cases of people fighting and dying for ancestral homelands that they believe to be entrusted to them - ancient Jews, Armenians, late Byzantines, medieval French, Scots and Swiss, Poles and Russians - to make us reconsider the modernist account of the ideology of sacred homelands.