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Thus there may be significant overlap in practice between ‘race/ethnicity’ and socio-economic status. But such discrimination will also be experienced in more existential ways. Indeed it has been argued that experiences of racism may themselves act as stressors, damaging health through mechanisms such as elevated blood pressure and impaired immune responses. Thus biologically mediated harm may increase those risks that are socially produced (Krieger 2003a). It is of course after infection that issues relating to discrimination on the grounds of skin colour will be most clearly identifiable.

2008). Mapping the Pandemic 33 relationships between men on the other hand are seen to be ‘different’ enough to need special attention and interrogation. This has of course been encouraged by the many same-sex identified men who (understandably) see this as an important strategy for ensuring that their needs are properly recognised. The term ‘men who have sex with men’ (MSM) continues to be widely used in the arenas of HIV policy and research even though it has been extensively criticised (Young and Meyer 2005; Aggleton 2009).

24 In sub-Saharan Africa about 3 million people over 50 are thought to be positive, making up some 14 per cent of the total, while in the US this figure is now approaching 30 per cent (Mills et al. 2012). Yet few studies have explored the particular physical and psychological challenges facing those who are HIV positive outside what is seen as the ‘normal’ age range (Schmid et al. 2009; Negin and Cumming 2011). Studies have now begun to explore the more qualitative aspects of ageing with HIV. Recent work in the UK for example has highlighted the loneliness and the financial worries that are often involved (JRF, Terrence Higgins Trust and Age UK 2010; Elford et al.