By Malinda Maynor Lowery
With greater than 50,000 enrolled individuals, North Carolina's Lumbee Indians are the biggest local American tribe east of the Mississippi River. Malinda Maynor Lowery, a Lumbee herself, describes how, among Reconstruction and the Fifties, the Lumbee crafted and maintained a special id in an period outlined by means of racial segregation within the South and paternalistic rules for Indians through the country. They did so opposed to the backdrop of a few of the crucial matters in American heritage, together with race, classification, politics, and citizenship. & nine; Lowery argues that ''Indian'' is a dynamic identification that, for outsiders, occasionally hinged at the presence of ''Indian blood'' (for federal New Deal coverage makers) and occasionally at the absence of ''black blood'' (for southern white segregationists). Lumbee humans themselves have built their id in layers that tie jointly relations and position, race and sophistication, tribe and kingdom; notwithstanding, Indians haven't regularly agreed on the way to weave this cloth right into a complete. utilizing images, letters, family tree, federal and kingdom files, and first-person kinfolk historical past, Lowery narrates this compelling dialog among insiders and outsiders, demonstrating how the Lumbee humans challenged the limits of Indian, southern, and American identities. With greater than 50,000 enrolled contributors, North Carolina's Lumbee Indians are the most important local American tribe east of the Mississippi River. Malinda Maynor Lowery, a Lumbee herself, describes how, among Reconstruction and the Fifties, the Lumbee crafted and maintained a unique id in an period outlined via racial segregation within the South and paternalistic regulations for Indians during the kingdom. They did so opposed to the backdrop of a few of the crucial concerns in American heritage, together with race, category, politics, and citizenship.
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Additional info for Lumbee Indians in the Jim Crow South: Race, Identity, and the Making of a Nation
Sample text
In fact, just trying to access figure 2. First-grade class at Pembroke Indian Graded School, circa 1937 (Dorothy Blue and the Lumbee River Fund Collection, Livermore Library, University of North Carolina at Pembroke) 1938 is difficult. I didn’t go to a segregated school, but the faces in my class pictures looked just as varied as these do. This photo poses some questions: How did the segregation era, marked by a supposedly iron-sided wall between the races, evidence so much variety? What were the contours and boundaries of racial segregation for Native American southerners?
Women wielded considerable influence in families in which a child was born out of wedlock or the father was an outsider, either an Indian from another place or a non-Indian. 23 Women also appear to have had some political power in the nineteenth century, providing guidance for the group’s efforts to perpetuate their identity through acknowledgment. For example, when Robeson County Indians mounted an effort in the 1870s or early 1880s to gain federal recognition through Congress, they sent George Washington Lowry to Indian Territory in Oklahoma to learn as much as he could from the Indians who had removed there from the Southeast.
But in 1870 whites held a slim majority in the population as a whole. Republicans could change the balance of power if they could convince a few whites to join Indian and black voters. The 1900 census for Robeson County reveals that there were more Indians and blacks in the county than whites (Table 1). This reality indicates why Democrats believed they had to use a campaign of terror to win support at the polls. Had Indians and blacks continued to vote together as they had during and immediately after Reconstruction, white Democrats would have lost every election if just a few poor whites joined Indian and black Republicans, adapting to segregation 23 which was the voting trend in many parts of the state through the 1890s.