By Noam Kochavi
New insights into the cementing of the American-Israeli courting throughout the Nixon years
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54 Israel endeavored to extricate itself from the administration’s pressure by declaring neutrality. 55 This was paralleled by insistence to administration officials that legal and moral imperatives ruled out the possibility of Israeli meddling in American internal affairs. 57 Israeli domestic constraints rounded out the Israeli argument. 58 This carefully constructed posture of straddling the issue was aimed at maintaining a balance between conflicting international and domestic pressures. 59 For several reasons, it is exceedingly difficult to confirm this claim.
He thus downplayed his points of agreement with Jerusalem. 109 The Israeli side cooperated seamlessly with Kissinger’s measures. ”113 Hence, Rabin reminded the more suspicious Meir that Israel’s interests would best be served by acknowledging Kissinger’s need not to be vulnerable to accusations of double loyalty. 119 The endurance of the shift, in turn, resulted in large part from Nixon’s new confidence in Israel as his firm supporter and member of the conservative camp. Israel’s Conservative Turn and Nixon’s Shift Rewarding loyalty and punishing disloyalty is a staple of the human condition and of political life, one that American presidents have been known to practice with passion and venom.
73 How Israel’s principals handled the Jackson-Vanik dilemma during those difficult days is still largely a matter of speculation. 74 According to Nativ’s New York station chief, Yitzhak Rager, the cabinet instructed Israeli representatives to stay clear of the executive-congressional duel over Jackson-Vanik. 75 As is often the case in acute crises, when headquarters—in this case, Jerusalem—was overwhelmed by the dire circumstances it faced, the locus of decision-making on other matters shifted to the field—in this instance, Israel’s various representatives and allied organizations in the United States.