By Shaul Mishal, Avraham Sela
Because it emerged as a challenger to the PLO through the Palestinian Intifada, Hamas (the Islamic Resistance stream) has been linked within the public brain with terror and violence. Now Israeli specialists exhibit that, opposite to its photograph, Hamas is basically a social and political stream, offering broad group prone and responding continuously to political realities via bargaining and gear brokering. The authors carry the veil on Hamas's strategic decision-making tools at all of the an important crossroads it has faced: the Intifada and the fight with the PLO, the Oslo accords and the institution of the Palestinian nationwide Authority, and the dilemmas surrounding the alternative among absolute Jihad opposed to Israel as opposed to the choice of managed violence.
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It was probably Israel’s exposure of the MujammaÔ’s new policy that led to Yasin’s decision in to establish a security apparatus that would collect information about collaborators with Israeli intelligence. Once established, the security unit also became involved in the “internal jihad,” which had the aim of imposing Islamic rules on the society and punishing drug dealers, prostitutes, and purveyors of pornographic videos. The main lessons the MujammaÔ drew from the arms-gathering fiasco were to ensure strict compartmentalization and to entrust such activities to junior, less familiar activists, who would be unlikely to attract the attention of Israeli intelligence.
In the late s, a joint organization of Islamic activity for the Gaza Strip and the West Bank—the United Palestinian [Muslim] Brotherhood Organization—was founded. Israel’s policy of “open bridges” across the Jordan River facilitated the establishment of organizational links and close cooperation between the MB movements under Israeli occupation and in Jordan, where Palestinians constituted a large portion, if not a majority, of the population. Jordan, too, benefited from this situation, as its interest was to secure its political status in the West Bank and counteract the influence of the PLO.
The takeover of the university was brought about by the decline in the funds raised by the PLO for its budget, a shortfall that was made up by the MujammaÔ. Until , the PLO had contributed the lion’s share of the university’s budget, utilizing 2177_e01_p13-26 1/25/00 10:35 AM Page 24 S R I D financial aid it received from the Gulf oil monarchies thanks to a decision by the Baghdad Arab summit conference in November . However, the constant decrease in Arab financial aid to the PLO meant that a growing share of university funding had to come from abroad, primarily from the Islamic movement in Jordan, the Saudi-sponsored Muslim World’s League, and the Islamic Conference Organization.