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Wilcox (1981) and the Piedra Lumbre phase of C. F Schaafsma (1979) must be reevaluated. If the Piedra Lumbre phase is valid, however, it constitutes one of the earliest and certainly the most easterly Navajo occupation of the Southwest and supports the late Athapaskan entry model of Wilcox (1981). Page 12 Finally, the late 1970s saw the development and growth of widespread cultural resource management projects conducted by the Navajo themselves. Cultural resource management operations connected with the realignment of Navajo Highway 41 on Black Mesa (Russell 1983), with the construction of the Black Mesa and Lake Powell coal-haul railroad through the Klethla Valley and across the Kaibito Plateau (Stebbins 1982), and with logging activities in the Navajo Nation Forest on the Defiance Plateau and in the Chuska Mountains (Banks 1985, 1986; Kemrer 1983; Kemrer and Lord 1984) illuminated the Navajo occupation of these areas.
1991), but are rare for other parts of Navajo territory (but see Jones 1988). The fourth major issue in Navajo archaeology has been identifying the mechanisms of Navajo culture change. If the "Querechos" described by Coronado were indeed Navajos, the earliest historical references to Navajos describe them as Plains bison hunters. Documents written two hundred years later (W. W. Hill 1940) describe vast Navajo cornfields in the Largo-Gobernador area. Finally, the Navajo of the nineteenth century were noted for their large sheep and goat herds and weaving skill.
The rise in interest began with the publication of "The Entry of the Athapaskans into the American Southwest: The Problem Today" by David R. Wilcox (1981). D. 1450) High Plains route that brought the Athapaskans to the edge of the Puebloan Southwest just prior to Coronado's Entrada (but see Brugge 1984). His model has been the accepted explanation of this process for the past decade (see also Wilcox 1984, 1988). Archaeological research, both on and adjacent to the Navajo Nation, provided new data to test the existing models.