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By Steven C. Hahn

Drawing on archaeological proof and using usually overlooked Spanish resource fabric, The Invention of the Creek kingdom, 1670–1763, explores the political heritage of the Creek Indians of Georgia and Alabama and the emergence of the Creek kingdom in the course of the colonial period within the American Southeast. partly a examine of Creek overseas family members, this publication examines the production and alertness of the “neutrality” policy—defined right here because the Coweta answer of 1718—for which the Creeks have lengthy been recognized, in an period marked by way of the imperial fight for the yankee South.

Also a learn of the tradition of inner Creek politics, this paintings indicates the patience of a “traditional” kinship-based political process within which city and extended family association remained supremely vital. those traditions, coupled with political intrusions of the region’s 3 ecu powers, promoted the unfold of Creek factionalism and mitigated the advance of a local Creek Confederacy. yet whereas traditions persevered, the fight to take care of territorial integrity opposed to Britain additionally promoted political innovation. during this context, the territorially outlined Creek kingdom emerged as a criminal notion within the period of the French and Indian conflict, as imperial regulations of an past period gave technique to the territorial politics that marked the start of a brand new one.

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75 Bearing Fray Barrera’s letter in his own hands, the chief of Coweta made his way across Florida and arrived in St. Augustine on January 1, 1682. 0pt PgV ——— Normal Page PgEnds: TEX [37], (28) 38 • tall coweta and explained the contents of the letter. ” What they really wanted, Marquez wrote, “was to confirm the peace which he had offered them. And . . ” 76 In addition to denying that he had wanted priests, the chief of Coweta “flatly denied” that he had authority over sixty-six towns, claiming a mere nine towns under his jurisdiction.

Augustine, thus depleting the town of a few of their most able-bodied people at the critical planting and harvesting seasons. Mission life, too, required that Indians make cultural adjustments so as to conform to the expectations of the Franciscan friars, who forbade Indians to hold traditional dances, pressured the chiefs to abandon the common practice of polygamy, and required everyone to attune their daily schedules to the mission bell’s calls to prayer. The English, on the other hand, being motivated by profits, initially demanded little more of the Indians than the opportunity to trade their European wares for furs and skins, a sort of “live and let live” approach to Indian relations that at first made the English appear as a better alternative.

Disease and population losses must have undermined the chief’s religious authority as well; as the inability of his or her priests to ward off disease microbes would have revealed the impotence of his “medicine” and called into question the spiritual union that chiefs worked so hard to maintain. Furthermore, as trade goods from Spanish Florida became more commonplace, the chiefs must have relinquished—willingly or unwillingly—their presumed monopoly over rare and exotic items that at one time had been used to display their connectedness to powers outside of their chiefdoms.

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