By Theodore Jun Yoo
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Additional resources for The Politics of Gender in Colonial Korea: Education, Labor, and Health, 1910-1945
Sample text
While some commoners continued to practice marrying in a son-in-law, by the late ChosQn period the yangban household had taken up agnatic adoption. This practice sought to eliminate women as heirs by placing a premium on primogeniture. Adoption, however, diªered from many other societies in that the average age of the adopted son was between twenty and thirty years; infants were rarely adopted. 22 In contrast to the KoryQ period, women’s freedom of movement became severely restricted as Confucian moralists imposed a strict division of the sexes, allegedly to prevent adultery and other sexual improprieties.
For example, during the kiuje (ceremony to pray for rain), Kings T’aejong, Sejong, and SQngjong all, in their time, called on shamans to oªer prayers during droughts. In many respects, shamanism represented the feminine in the world of religion, in contrast to Confucianism, which stressed male prerogatives. Even Buddhism, which in earlier periods had allowed women access to rituals, did not allow them to serve as high priests in the same capacity as the mudang. 46 Korean women retained residual forms of power during the ChosQn Women in ChosQn Korea / 33 period, even as state and society sought to negate their influence.
75 There were, of course, daunting obstacles to overcome if the king was to extend educational opportunities to all regardless of social background or gender and hence create a “civilized and enlightened” society. First, it would be necessary to convince 20 million people to discard old customs and embrace new ones. Second, the country lacked an educational infrastructure; although missionaries had established private girls’ schools in the late nineteenth century, the state so far had opened only the HansQng Normal School to train teachers, five primary schools for boys, and a foreign language school.