By Sanjay Subrahmanyam
That includes updates and revisions that replicate contemporary historiography, this re-creation of The Portuguese Empire in Asia 1500-1700 provides a accomplished evaluation of Portuguese imperial background that considers Asian and eu views.
- Features an argument-driven background with a transparent chronological structure
- Considers the most recent advancements in English, French, and Portuguese historiography
- Offers a balanced view in a divisive sector of historic study
- Includes up to date word list and consultant to extra Reading
Read or Download The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500-1700 : A Political and Economic History PDF
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Additional resources for The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500-1700 : A Political and Economic History
Example text
Ozbaran 1986: 42) Two remarks are in order here. First, we note that these provinces are for the most part areas captured by the Ottomans in the sixteenth century. Secondly, it is worth remarking that almost all of these are provinces where trade had a more important role to play than in the Ottoman heartland of Anatolia and Rumelia. The sixteenth century is also a period when the Ottoman state’s direct interest in trade reaches its height. Not only are there substantial maritime interventions in the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean, the Ottomans are seen as a potential P1: OTA/XYZ JWST143-c01 28 P2: ABC JWST143-Subrahmanyam January 28, 2012 15:45 T H E P O RT U G U E S E E M P I R E I N A S I A , Printer Name: Yet to Come 1500–1700 source of support by distant Southeast Asian kingdoms like Aceh (Casale 2010).
Again, whether one looks at the Philippines, IndoChina, or even Dutch Batavia, the Chinese community is an important one, which plays the role of intermediary in diplomacy, recruits and manages labor, conducts overseas trade, and so on (Bluss´e 1986). Our purpose in pointing to these instances of substantial elite migration is not to deny the existence of local dynamics, or the role of “autochthonous” groups in determining the shape of early modern Asian state formation. But at the same time, it is necessary to note that the political spheres of different Asian states inter-penetrated by this period to a far greater extent than is often assumed.
It is evident that, contrary to what such a model might lead us to believe, so-called agrarian empires grew increasingly attracted to trade, and to the management of their resources not through cash-less, prebendal systems, but by utilizing the cash nexus. Three examples will suffice here. In west Asia, the fiscal system of the Ottoman empire, founded in the late thirteenth century, had, we have already noted, for long been dominated by the timar – a prebendal assignment, which was appropriate to a relatively poorly monetized economy.