By Barbara Nunberg
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Governments and international donors alike have proceeded haltingly to support programs to strengthen the state's administrative capacity. This hesitation stemmed partly from the overwhelming urgency of economic reforms that crowded out what were perceived to be secondary reform agendas. It may also have been fueled by a wave of anti-statism that was both a reaction to the delegitimation of the communist state as well as a prevailing intellectual wind blowing in from influential quarters of the developed world.
A key element in the reform was to strengthen the role of the prime minister. Through separate legislation and constitutional amendments, the prime minister was empowered to select ministers, determine the nature and number of ministerial portfolios, and, an important change, require that ministers jointly uphold government policy consensus. These enhanced prime ministerial powers supported a new notion of flexible government, breaking with Page 16 the previous requirement that ministries be established by law.
Significant upper echelon staff changes notwithstanding, moreover, the basic communist era conditions of pay and employment and of administrative practice were still intact. Finally, the former GDR made the greatest advances toward systemic administrative change. This was achieved largely through the transfer of a West German legal-political-administrative model with already demonstrated effectiveness, and the transfer of elites and institutions from West to East. While not without present and potential problems, the considerable success of these efforts so far suggests that we should focus less on what is particular to the German caseand there is much that is unique and not replicableand more on what, with some alterations and adaptations, might be reproduced in other settings.