By Ray Dolphin
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Ostensibly this was to secure the settlements, but its primary purpose was to surround and sever each Palestinian locality, tearing apart the basic sinews of Palestinian society. Its political purpose was to act as the most brutal leverage on the PA. And it worked. Following the imposition of the internal closure, Arafat arrested 1,200 Islamist ‘suspects’ and shut down Hamas-controlled mosques and welfare associations. Clearly the Palestinian leader had seen the future. (The same leverage was employed following the outbreak of the second intifada in 2000, and for the same purpose.
Qxd 29/11/2005 14:26 Page 30 T H E W E S T B A N K WA L L examples subsequently blazed by Algeria, Vietnam and South Africa. Residues of those hopes remain in the Palestinian national movement today. Among the PA leadership there is still the visceral belief that the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza will somehow retreat due to its very illegality and its historical injustice. The Islamists too, for all their activism, have the same passive belief in a restorative destiny: that all the Palestinians really need to do is hold fast to Jerusalem and the right of return and wait for the Arab world to recover its faith, and then Israel somehow will collapse, if not by war, then through demography or through what in their eyes is the fundamental contradiction of being a Jewish state in an Arab Islamic milieu.
5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. Graham Usher, ‘Closures, cantons and the Palestinian Covenant’, in Dispatches from Palestine. See Avi Shlaim, The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World (Penguin, 2000). Ari Shavit, ‘The big freeze’, Ha’aretz, 8 October 2004. Quoted in Aluf Benn, ‘Israel’s identity crisis’, Salonweb, 16 May 2005. html> (accessed on 21 October 2005). Ibid. Ibid. Interview with author, August 2001. For an account of the ‘revised’ Jordan option, see Gary Sussman, ‘Ariel Sharon and the Jordan option’, MERIP online report, March 2005.