By Melvin R. Gilmore
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Extra resources for Uses of Plants by the Indians of the Missouri River Region
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Their work highlights some of the major concerns associated with the accuracy of written accounts. As they note (1997:189), many place name studies are highly unreliable because the writers were unfamiliar with the languages of naming, relied unduly on local tradition and folklore, sometimes adopted highly conjectural interpretations, and did not undertake a comparative linguistic analysis. The continued citation of such etymologies only further clouds the true basis and meaning of the names, and of naming in general.
Similar to information pertaining to family names, ceremonial organizations, and churches, when discussing geography, elder Kiowa often show respect for other communities by deferring to them and suggesting that you speak to someone from that community. FORMAL AND INFORMAL PLACE NAMES Another distinction of Kiowa place names involves proper or formal place names versus common descriptive designations or informal place names. Kelley and Francis (1996:49–50) describe this pattern among Navajo sacred place names: “We suggest that widely known places tend to have names, whereas places without names tend to be known and used only by a single person or family.
Although this form may have once been common among the Kiowa, prereservation data are sparse. Place names referring to the territory of neighboring groups include forms such as Cûiqàvā̀u (Pawnee River), Ī́jā̀qóp (Ute Mountains), and Ā́thàukàuidàumgà (Timber or Forested Mexican Coun- Native American Ethnogeography and Research 27 try). Pre-reservation Kiowa regional names for themselves are known only for northern and southern Kiowa, and more precisely with the formation of the Gúhàlḕcàuigù or Wild Mustang Kiowa in the late 1850s.